Chapter/Intro:
Refractions on (post) modern (science) education
Peter Appelbaum, William Paterson University of
NJ
(973) 720-3123;
appelbaump@wpunj.edu
This chapter is included in a book published by Garland, edited by myself,
Marla Morris, & John Weaver.
Pedagogies of Sciences
A provocative debate about the nature and context of science has emerged within the last decade, throwing "science" into a Sargasso Sea of social and cultural context (Gross & Levitt; Gross, Levitt & Lewis; Haraway; Holton; Latour; Ross; Serres; Sokal). The clamor effectively articulates important controversies and points of conflict about the approach to and nature of science and scientific efforts. However, participants do not talk about the pedagogy of science; players in these debates undertheorize education and inadequately address educational institutions of science. Meanwhile, those participating in or studying the so-called "science wars" are curiously absent from contemporary educational studies. And educators often accept a stereotyped and monolithic perspective on science. This section of the book seeks to respond to both of these empty spaces. We seek to pull science into current discussions of post-modern pedagogy and policy, while at the same time placing educational studies at the center of debate over controversies in science and post-modern science. We take as our starting points cultural studies of science, critics of these critiques of science, and contemporary theoretical orientations to educational studies. But we go further and describe what they have been doing now, as an entry into the ongoing creation of a postmodern education of science. We include both mathematics and science in our analyses because the general science studies dialogue includes both science and mathematics, and because mathematics is so often lumped in with science as "the language of science" or the "filter" through which potential scientists flow.
When critics of the cultural studies of science do address education, they express anxiety about a loss of traditional science in efforts to dilute science content. A good example is A House Built on Sand: Exposing Postmodernist Myths About Science, edited by Noretta Koertge (1998). This collection of key scholars in current debates about the meaning of cultural studies of science is pretty much a one-sided trashing of the cultural studies of science by traditionalists in science. In her own chapter, "Postmodernisms and the Problem of Scientific Literacy," Koertge characterizes "postmodernist accounts of science" as prescribing particular transformations of science education and a fundamental redefinition of scientific literacy. She declares that works such as Collins and Pinch’s The Golem (1993), Sue Rosser’s Female-Friendly Science (1990) and Teaching the Majority (1995), and Andrew Ross’ Strange Weather (1994) have a common project of revolutionizing science pedagogy. Her argument seems to go something like this:
I assume science practice as done by the popular image of scientist that I hold is good. I then believe that people could not understand what I think of as science unless they study traditional science. Now, there are people who describe what science is in an anthropological way, or through an analysis of the discourse and rhetoric of science, and these people describe some pretty horrific things. And there are also a few people at the college level offering courses in this stuff! What would happen if these courses became thought of as the "real" study of science? This indeed is an even more horrific nightmare! So I will ridicule what these people say and do as never being able to be called science according to my own definition, and then you too will call all of those involved in the cultural studies of science "Fools."
The fact that these authors do not claim to be scientists but rather observers of science is bypassed in an effort to "save" science.
But how does this discussion turn into a debate about science education? A leap from science to cultural studies of science, all of which might be "taught" in various departments at a university, becomes a transformation of science as we know it into postmodern science education. What do we hear from the people in education on this matter? Mostly silence. Perhaps it is because the cultural studies of science have occurred at the university level where educational studies is denigrated to a non-discipline on most campuses. Whatever contributions educationists might make have gone unheard. Yet it seems that there has been very little effort on the part of educators to grapple with the implications of the cultural studies of science. Perhaps it is because most of the people in educational studies have a social foundations, read social foundations background, that they are not comfortable talking about science. In general science pedagogy has been left to the science education people who teach methods, and there has been only occasional analysis within education fields of science as a cultural phenomenon. Also, teachers of science do not get exposure to the cultural studies of science and the implications for the teaching and learning of science, since this sort of critique of science is outside of the departments of science, and indeed is not the same thing as the science content they learn in their science courses. Science educators are mostly informed by traditional courses and perspectives in science. Discussions of curriculum end up being mostly about science content, the proper sequence of content, a perceived hierarchy of concepts and skills, and factual knowledge that becomes a foundation for later study. Only rarely do we talk about controversies about the nature of science in education courses about the teaching of science. Collins and Pinch, Rosser, and Ross are not commonly read as "science" in science content courses. What a sad state for educational studies! Yet what an opportunity for us now to enter the general discussion of science education as people who do educational studies, and respond to the perspective illustrated by Noertge. There is a modernist pedagogy of a modernist science, illustrated by what comes most immediately to mind when we picture a classroom in which science is being taught or learned. Here we expand our notions of science pedagogy to include post-modern pedagogies of modernist science, modernist pedagogies of post-modern science, and post-modern pedagogies of a post-modern science.
It is the case that mathematics and science educators have taken on some of the rhetoric of science studies. For example, there is attention to the importance of relationships among science, technology, society, and human values, and the importance of discourse and 'communities of inquiry' in the classroom. Assessment has expanded to include students' attitudes and relationships with the disciplines or topics. Yet these examples are representational in being so steeped in the rhetoric of standards, workplace readiness, and skill attainment, that most of the flavor of cultural studies has been lost. Nevertheless, critics of science studies are very nervous when they see the words in print, or hear about educators who focus on culturally constructed knowledges of gender, objectivity, social context, or relevance to students' lives and popular culture. Cultural theorists recognize these things as "signifiers;" the critics have fears, including a loss of privilege and cultural capital.
Koertge (1996) earlier wrote of feminist epistemologies and the pedagogies they support as thoroughly undermining science-as-we-know-it. This essay, " Feminist Epistemology: Stalking an Un-Dead Horse," again demonstrates a common set of fears and defenses of the status that scientists hold after going through their apprenticeship into traditional science practices. The presumption is that a post-modern pedagogy would always create a post-modern science that defies some core norms. We must ask, first, whether or not a post-modern education could indeed be most appropriate for achieving a traditional form of science knowledge and practices -- perhaps more effectively than other, common sense pedagogies. And second, we need to reflect on the potential impacts of a post-modern or other pedagogy that promotes the creation of a truly radical version of science itself. Koertge clearly worries about the second scenario: she believes that feminist and other epistemologies are so incompatible with the science that she has learned to embrace that they will destroy the possibility of continuing such a science; like other critics of the cultural studies of science, she sees the cultural studies of science as a haunting specter of the death of science. Surely a postmodern science education would not kill science. But we might indeed find a different science that Koertge would not name science. A postmodern science education must examine the norms of science -- the rules by which traditional science stakes its claim to have a story to tell -- and that examination must place into question which people have most to gain by the variety of challenges to, or efforts to save, these norms. Students do not necessarily act like adult scientists in order to learn science. On the other hand, what we think of as a scientist that should be modeled by a student "acting like a scientist" is not without its own complications (Gough 1998). And, indeed, I rarely find students in science classes enhancing their propensity to interpret the world as a scientist. Instead, they spend most of their time learning to parrot already developed techniques and applications of science. Furthermore, science education as it is currently practiced is not necessarily about being an apprentice scientist but promotes a variety of subject positions with relation to the content of science, including critical citizenship (decisions that use scientific information), responding to being the object of scientific study, and the role of science in social business policy (Weinstein 1996).
I bring up Koertge's complaints about feminist epistemology because I believe her highlights of this epistemology help mathematics and science educators identify just what pedagogical strategies would most serve their needs as educators of science, whether or not they want to transform or preserve the science itself. We can use what she criticizes as the initiation of an effective postmodern education. Koertge (1996) sees feminist pedagogy as a direct assault on the ideas of Talcott Parsons and Robert Merton. "When we turn to radical feminist critiques of science based on feminist epistemology, we find a repudiation of the ideals themselves." (Koertge 1996, 417) She uses the example of one certification program for science educators that requires a reading of Belenky et al.'s (1986) Women's Ways of Knowing, mischaracterizing this work as teaching the need to change science to meet the essential inadequacies of female minds. In her reading, such an approach necessitates a diminishment of the quality of science as science, thus underserving females in the long run. Of course, this is not at all what Belenky et al. want to say. They instead want to add to the narrow epistemologies (of science) in our repertoire to include richer comprehension of the possibilities for modes of knowing. The contemporary debate about postmodernism is so often framed in all or nothing terms (Kincheloe et al. 1999): we can either completely accept or completely reject Western modernism. This section of our book works to hold onto the value of modernist science while presenting images of currently existing practices that also enter into dialogue with postmodern perspectives on education and postmodern perspectives on science.
As we learn from John Dewey, beliefs are the key -- they are that upon which we are prepared to act. But what we believe about science is not necessarily what we believe about how to learn science. Maybe this is a little too idealist; but the ideas drive action in this sense even (more likely) if we see blind adherence to practice as constructing beliefs implicitly; then change is driven in academics or intellectuals by an enlightenment attitude that we need to rethink beliefs and then judge our practice based on these new beliefs. Viewing cognition as a process of knowledge production presages profound pedagogical changes. Post-formal teachers (Kincheloe et al. 1999) facilitate interaction at the frontier where information of the science disciplines intersects with understandings and experiences that individuals carry with them to school; they help students to reinterpret their own lives, and uncover new propensities, as a result of their encounter with school. These teachers see their role as creators of situations where students ' experiences can intersect with information gleaned from the academic disciplines. In contrast, if knowledge is viewed simply as an external body of information and codes of conduct and value, then the role of the teacher is to take this knowledge and insert it into the minds of students, to take these codes and police their students' behavior in accordance with the codes (Appelbaum & Clark in press). Evaluation procedures are intimately tied to the views we hold. Conceptual thinking would be discouraged in a modernist classroom, trivializing learning. Students would be evaluated at the lowest level of human thinking -- the ability to memorize and mimic behavior. Unless students are moved to incorporate school information into their own lives, schooling will remain an unengaging rite of passage into adulthood, an experience of biding time until it is over (Appelbaum 1999). Perhaps a view of some potentially post-modern pedagogies of science could help us with both the beliefs and the practices.
What is a Picture of (Post) Modern School (Science)?
We are in a first grade classroom. The class reads Desert Giant
(Bash 1989). Whole-class discussion explores the multiple perspectives
represented in the story; students write their own version of the story,
extracting one of these perspectives. Later in the week, students take on
a perspective of their own choice for field study in which they record in their
notebooks observations of an area near the school. They write stories from the
perspective they chose. Then, in groups, they weave multiple-perspective
narratives about the eco-system they observed.
A fourth grade class is in the midst of a tree branch study. Over the course of a week they collect lists on large sheets of paper taped to the wall of the classroom: what they know, and what they wonder. Groups form by interests growing out of the list of wonders, and begin to collect data to help them guide an investigation about what they wonder about. Based on their initial data, and consultation with other class members in whole-class meetings, the groups design research projects based on more refined data collection. All along, two students take on the job of anthropologists, and two others take on the job of the media. They study how the "scientists" are doing their work and give media reports, representing the work of the scientists to the class.
Qishana reports to the class: "We needed to know, what do you have to add to 2/3 + 1/5 to get 1? (Walter 1989) We found, after a lot of work, 2/3 + 1/5 + 2/15 =1 … and then Shareefa laughed and said, we could've just multiplied the numerators and denominators instead of going through all that! Then we laughed and said, 'course not, that makes no sense. But Shareefa and I went off and looked for other combinations of fractions that we could solve the 'wrong way '. So we came up with…"
Later, Roza asks, "So do we know now when multiplying works, and when it doesn't?" Shareefa: "We know it works when it works, and it doesn't work a lot; but your question -- a good one -- is still out there for studying more. We're thinking it's one of those questions that keeps us learning without ever finding the answer to the question."
In Karen Grindall's fifth-grade classroom (Weaver and Grindall 1998) students are using multimedia software to construct a story about the extinction of dinosaurs. They create two characters that join the dinosaurs and witness their extinction, one a mellow male hippie, the other a man who sings all the time.
Student 1: OK, … the dinosaurs become extinct from a big explosion.
Student 2: No, they died from a cloud of dust.
Weaver: Could it have been both?
Student 2: No, I doubt it.
Weaver: Do we really know? Besides the issue is how will you create a story.
Student 1: Why don't we make our characters experience what we believe happened.
Weaver: Do you mean create two stories?
Student 1: Yes.
Weaver: Good idea, this way you leave it open as to how they actually died. You let the reader decide.
Ms. Loella enters a unit on "ratio" with her class. She starts by saying, "O.K., we're going to start our unit on ratio, which is part of the 5th grade curriculum. I've laid out for you around the room different textbooks and activities that different companies and schools have used -- they're all designed to teach you about ratio. My minimum expectation is that you explore several of the options and think about how they are similar and different. How do they differ in what they want you to think about? Later, I will ask you to develop a project of your own interest that can help you extend your knowledge. At that point, you'll be asked to represent what you've done and learned to three different audiences..." The students are used to these long introductions to a unit, and know that they will be asked to either make a presentation to an audience outside of their class or somehow communicate the importance of their activities to others. "… Your third-grade reading buddies, your parents and me, and a panel of three teachers that will help you judge the quality of your work."
Students in Pat Xave's class are told they have to use mathematics and science to learn how to juggle, or do magic tricks, or mix glazes for ceramics, or quilt (a) well enough to perform or display their work at the town library; and (b) well enough to help another person learn how. Students photograph themselves and their work at routine intervals of time with a digital camera, and using Kidpix Studio, create animations that represent their efforts over time.
The lesson for science education is that Parsons/Merton/Koertge is not to be applied until, in a certain context, a student develops a need for these norms … as a practicing scientist. When learning science, doing science, the feminist critique is apt, and may even lead to scientists aware of the critique, who are part of a cultural shift in the doing of science. But these people would not abandon science: they would still be doing (post-modern) science.
Students are studying the work of Alexander Calder in art in fourth grade
this year, and simple machines in science. So the art specialist teacher and the
classroom teacher plan a team-teaching unit. Students form groups and use simple
machines to create an "Energy Circus" exhibition inspired by Rube Goldberg
contraptions. The exhibit is set up for a month in the lobby of the school,
where every student in the school can participate on their way to something
else.
Doing Science in School
How do we do (post) modern (science) education? The following chapters suggest important strategies. They take further the crucial features of a classroom that I have begun to articulate:
Genre theory is another useful tool, as we search for ways to utilize the existing curricular materials available in our classrooms. Susan Gerofsky demonstrates the effectiveness of genre theory as she reflects on the teaching and learning of mathematics word problems. In doing so, she responds to a fundamental issue in the cultural studies of science, well articulated by Norman Levitt (1996). Levitt thinks "the problem" is really that some of us are afraid of the mathematics in both math and science. He thinks cultural studies of science and post-modern pedagogies of science and mathematics are really all about expressing resentment against mathematics and the reasoning and ideas it employs, because people can't understand it. In pop-psyche interpretations of postmodern critiques of 'science,' the wistful dream becomes, "if only more people, especially the 'well-educated' -- had a different relationship with mathematics" -- of course, upholding the privileging of "the" mathematics. Gerofsky understands both mathematics and genre theory, and asks us to construct word problems in school as parables or riddles rather than as disposable exercises (as they usually are). As parables worthy of longer and deeper contemplation, we might spend a week considering a single word problem in all its considerations and implications. As riddles, a playful and perhaps competitive spirit would be invoked; a pleasurable, oral culture approach to a recreational use of word problems would take the place of our present, very serious approach to evaluation of student written knowledge. As she writes, the simple suggestion that mathematical word problems be considered as parables or as riddles -- the shift to the "as if" point of view that characterizes play and drama -- may engender a shift in thinking and in educational practice.
Elaine Howes and Bill Rosenthal confront the issue of mathematics content and people's relationships with it. Lamenting the loss of "the infinite" in school science, school mathematics and teacher education, they frame their desire to revive such study "postmodern." Modernism, they note, has made the infinite part of both mathematics and science a topic non grata in the face of the "empirical truth" that the infinite is the one (and only) mathematical topic with which just about everyone seems to be enthralled. Inherently paradoxical and contradictory, the infinite is the ultimate postmodern subject-object. They interrogate mathematics as a science of the infinite, mathematics as the language of science, the gendering of the infinite in mathematics-science, and the normalizing role of mathematics and science in "taming" the infinite via monotheism and patriarchy. The direction is not toward a conservative mathematics that saves or recreates science as postmodern, but a postmodern conception of postmodern science.
In "Cookbook Classrooms; Cognitive Capitulation," Dave Pushkin points our attention to undergraduate education in science courses and its implication for pedagogy beyond these courses. What exactly could or should prospective teachers of science experience, whether in preparation for college level teaching, secondary, middle or elementary and early childhood? Pushkin articulates a concern for science education, and prompts a response that is aware of our postmodern condition. Why are students losing interest in the teaching and learning of science? How might the pedagogy of science be undermining the potential for a vibrant science education? As Pushkin describes college science, students are forced to move "backward" from multiplistic thinking to a dualism that demands submission to a higher, unquestioned authority, and teachers are forced to limit access to knowledge in order to preserve students' apprenticeship.
As we consider the possibilities for a (post) modern (science) education, we need to examine the nature of supervision and administration of educational programs. Curriculum supervisors and principals need to understand the controversies and dilemmas in the teaching and learning of science, the role of culture in science pedagogy, and the relationships among popular culture, everyday life and school science. Indeed, the very structures of supervision must support those aspects of classroom practice that are valuable. Jeffrey Glanz reminds us of the long history of supervision as striving to become a science itself, and offers a metaphor that has led him to understand supervision in a postmodern society. He makes the case for supervision as tofu -- as a permeable and adaptable substance that takes on the flavor of the foods that surround it. As tofu, unassuming yet nutritious, makes an ideal substitute for high calorie foods, supervision as tofu also blends into the educational landscape to help provide needed services and assistance to teachers.
As refractor, I ask, "If current science education practices are simulacra (Baudrillard 1990) of Nineteenth Century science, while Cyberpunk art forms and popular culture more effectively communicate concepts of modern science (Gough 1993), what does this mean for the science education of emerging teachers, for ongoing professional development, and for the pedagogies of educational studies? How might a conversation among scientists, colleagues who teach science methods, and those in curriculum theory unfold?" Treating both school science and educational studies as "theaters of representation" (Gough 1998), these chapters could be refracted through the notion of "pastiche," at once a fragrant potpourri and cacophonous jumble of images, practices and contexts of science and the pedagogies in and out of science. Common motifs include:
In critical multiculturalism, I ask for critique of the narratives that are presented in school science. Any particular practice illustrated or fantasy posited in this and the following chapters should presume that the educators involved have asked, and will continue to ask, key questions:
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